In a bid to resolve the Karnataka caste conundrum, Chief Minister Siddaramaiah has mandated yet another survey of backward classes, the fifth since 1975. But if competing interest groups can strong-arm a state government into rejecting survey data, can the exercise result in an objective identification of socially and economically backward groups?

The move brings into focus the increasing complexity of India’s quota system and the urgent need for rationalisation based on accurate data.

### The Karnataka Backward Classes Survey Controversy

In Karnataka, the 2015 Kantharaj Commission conducted an exhaustive survey that covered almost the entire population of the state. However, its report was kept in abeyance until 2024. The full data is not yet available, but politically influential communities such as the Lingayats and Vokkaligas have complained about massive undercounting of their respective populations.

Media reports citing earlier commissions — the 1986 Venkataswamy and 1990 O Chinnappa Reddy commissions — allege a sharp decline in the share of the Lingayat population, from 17% in 1986 to 11% in 2015. To avert a political firestorm, the state government has ordered a fresh survey.

Meanwhile, the opposition has highlighted the lack of transparency regarding the Kantharaj Commission’s findings. They also point out that a pan-India caste census is scheduled for the coming year, questioning the justification for spending Rs 420 crore of taxpayers’ money on a fresh survey.

### Challenges in Census Data and Quota Systems

Further complications may arise if the data from the pan-India caste census does not match that of the state backward class commission survey.

Similar challenges have occurred elsewhere. In Telangana, the state caste census evoked criticism over alleged unscientific methodology, data manipulation, and undercounting of backward classes and other communities. The debate also reignited discussions on whether non-Hindus should be included in the caste census, since caste stratification is not recognised by religions other than Hinduism.

Telangana has justified a quota for Muslims on the grounds of ‘backwardness’ rather than religion. This argument implicitly recognises the de facto existence of caste among Muslim communities, although social equality is a core tenet of Islam. It remains for the courts to make a final ruling on this matter.

### Political Pressures and Judicial Caps on Quotas

Caste census data is bound to be controversial as competing interest groups jostle to claim a larger share of the population, and therefore quotas. State governments must summon the political will to resist such pressures and act judiciously on the data.

The basic objective of the caste census is to promote social justice. This means not just identifying communities under-represented in education, employment, and political representation, but also formulating policies based on hard data.

Typically, this translates into allocating larger quotas for these communities in government institutions and representative bodies. However, increasing the quota for one community generally means reducing it for another, something no state government is prepared to do.

For example, after the 2022 Bihar caste census, the state government expanded quotas for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), and Economically Backward Classes (EBCs) to a combined 65% by amending existing reservation statutes. But in June 2024, the Patna High Court set aside these amendments on constitutional grounds, and the Supreme Court refused to intervene, leaving quotas capped at 50%.

Similarly, courts in other states have enforced the 50% cap on caste-based quotas. The Chhattisgarh High Court struck down an order increasing quotas to 58% in 2022. The Bombay High Court has invalidated quota expansions exceeding 50% and is hearing petitions against renewed attempts. The Rajasthan and Orissa High Courts have also rejected quota increases beyond the 50% ceiling.

### Moving Beyond Inflating the Reservation Pie

State governments should not view the caste census merely as a tool to inflate the size of the reservation pie. Instead, this valuable data has multiple applications.

Firstly, it can guide a fairer distribution of quotas within categories. States can implement quotas within quotas, even for Scheduled Castes.

For instance, the Rohini Commission highlighted how dominant OBC groups corner benefits to the detriment of others — revealing that a third of OBCs had received no benefits at all. This underscores the acute need for reservation reforms based on accurate census data.

However, slicing quotas more finely may provoke social unrest. This has intensified pressure on the judiciary to either lift the 50% cap on quotas or to extend reservations to the private sector. Both options carry potential downsides, including exacerbating the ‘brain drain’ as talent leaves India — a risky outcome as the nation seeks to leverage its human capital for development.

### Using Census Data to Enhance Welfare Measures

Another significant application of caste census data lies in formulating welfare measures. Accurate numbers enable better targeting of subsidies, community development programmes, and financial allocations to the most underprivileged groups.

Vote bank politics often leads to haphazard tinkering with quotas, resulting in chaotic outcomes. States should await the comprehensive caste census data and use it constructively to rationalise the quota system and target genuinely underprivileged communities more effectively.

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**About the Author:**
Bhavdeep Kang is a senior journalist with 35 years of experience working with major newspapers and magazines. She is currently an independent writer and author.
https://www.freepressjournal.in/analysis/karnatakas-new-backward-class-survey-raises-questions-on-quotas-accuracy-and-social-justice