5 times ‘Desperate Housewives’ perfectly captured American suburbia

**‘Desperate Housewives’ Perfectly Captured American Suburbia**
*By Vinita Jain | Sep 22, 2025, 05:01 PM*

**What’s the story?**

*Desperate Housewives* was not just a television show; it was a cultural phenomenon that offered a vivid glimpse into American suburban life. Running for eight captivating seasons, the series was beloved for its complex characters and gripping storylines. Set in the fictional Wisteria Lane, it invited viewers to explore the lives of women who challenged societal norms and expectations.

Here are five iconic moments from the show that perfectly defined American culture:

### 1. The Mysterious Death

The first season kicked off with a shocking twist—the mysterious death of Mary Alice Young. Her suicide unleashed a Pandora’s box of secrets and lies among her friends, setting a dramatic and suspenseful tone for the entire series. This mysterious element became a signature blend of drama and intrigue that kept audiences hooked.

### 2. Bree’s Perfect Facade

Bree Van de Kamp epitomized the ideal American homemaker with her obsession for perfectionism, cleanliness, and order. Beneath her pristine exterior, Bree struggled with personal challenges, making her a relatable figure for viewers familiar with the pressures of maintaining societal expectations. Her character’s journey highlighted the complexity behind the “perfect” suburban image.

### 3. Lynette’s Career vs. Family Dilemma

Lynette Scavo’s ongoing battle to balance her career ambitions with family responsibilities resonated deeply with many working mothers across America. Through Lynette, the show spotlighted the timeless challenge women face in juggling professional goals with domestic duties—a theme that continues to be relevant today.

### 4. Susan’s Love Life Woes

Susan Mayer’s tumultuous romantic journey offered both comic relief and heartfelt moments. From a disastrous first marriage to Mike Delfino to a series of ups and downs, Susan’s love life mirrored many real-life relationship struggles, making her character endearing and relatable to viewers.

### 5. Gabby’s Fashion Statements

Gabrielle Solis became synonymous with high fashion on *Desperate Housewives*. Her glamorous style choices brought an element of bold self-expression to everyday suburban life. While often scrutinized, Gabby’s fashion made a statement about identity and culture, showcasing how style plays a vital role in personal and social storytelling.

*Desperate Housewives* wasn’t just entertainment—it was a mirror reflecting the triumphs, struggles, and contradictions of American suburbia, making it an unforgettable part of television history.
https://www.newsbytesapp.com/news/entertainment/desperate-housewives-moments-that-defined-american-culture/story

His birthday, your birthday

The dread you have of being forgotten is of your own making. Your pride dissuaded you from stating the date of your birth on your social media accounts. That would have assured digital prompts to your followers to wish you. But you desire to be greeted without reminders, as a heartfelt expression of sentiments for you. This is why you don’t throw birthday parties—for the guests wouldn’t but remember greeting you.

You turn wistful on hearing that a prominent Delhi school has asked children to make e-cards and upload videos wishing the prime minister on his birthday. The school’s circular suggested they highlight, in their greetings, a reform introduced by Modi that has had a significant impact on the nation.

You are again reminded of your ordinariness, for you have never received a card appreciating the difference you made to a person’s life. You suddenly remember long queues outside banks in the aftermath of demonetisation and migrant labourers walking home during the COVID shutdown. Remembrance can, indeed, be manipulated. But you also know nothing can make you feel as lonely as your birthday being forgotten, for it establishes your sheer unimportance.

You belatedly remember you too have engaged in manipulation—promising your family a treat on your birthday. It’s a device for feeling special on a special day. This self-knowledge turns you forgiving as you leaf through newspapers dated September 17, 2025—pages after pages of advertisements wishing the prime minister on turning 75.

You note the names of those who issued them. You wonder: do they want to extract a benefit from Modi in return for remembering him? What makes them feel he’d be pleased? You think he’s perhaps no different from you, as much a child as you are in equating remembrance with worthiness and love.

Your expansive mood turns sullen as you check social media timelines. Dozens of celebrities remember the prime minister’s birthday! From film stars to cricketers to business tycoons to, obviously, politicians, they have sent messages to the prime minister. Some describe their fleeting moments with him or laud him for leading the nation to scale the peak of glory by 2047.

For sure, he can’t possibly share your fear of being forgotten.

But then you stumble upon chess grandmaster Viswanathan Anand’s message, wherein he ecstatically describes how he was once treated to a delicious Gujarati thali by Modi. On re-reading the message, you notice it is addressed to Viswanathan Anand ji, not to Modi ji. He obviously forgot to substitute his name with the prime minister’s.

In the bitterness oozing out of your ordinariness, you now know that Anand was commandeered to send his greeting to the prime minister, with even the text written out for him.

The discovery of Anand’s message is your eureka moment. It’s so silly of you not to have a birthday bash only because you want your friends to wish you without a prompt or pretext. You realise you shouldn’t be so insecure as to compulsively gauge your importance to them every year. You resolve you will, from now on, be as unabashed as Modi is about celebrating his birthday.

But you discern a problem, for the celebration of Modi’s birthday involves organising blood donations and cleanliness drives. Ordinary mortals cut cakes, but Modi, on September 17, launched an initiative that will have the government organise 10 lakh health camps for women between September 17 and October 2.

His gesture impresses you—even though you wonder why the camps weren’t held at another time in the year.

You then remember your grandfather, who’d give you money when you’d wish him on his birthday. Patriarchs have a keen sense of what makes love and loyalty work.

Your problem is your family and friends would baulk if you were to celebrate your birthday by inviting them to, say, donate blood.

Just as poet Sahir Ludhianvi thought that by building the Taj Mahal for his beloved, Mughal emperor Shah Jahan mocked the love of the poor, you too think ordinary birthday desires are caricatured every September 17.

Fear, like love, has many expressions.
https://www.mid-day.com/news/opinion/article/his-birthday-your-birthday-23595142

Being and other objects

Art exhibitions and fashion shows are not entirely dissimilar, though some differences exist. Both serve as spaces of negotiation between a creative product and a prospective, often prosperous client.

Artworks in a gallery—whether hung on a wall, placed on the floor, suspended from the ceiling, or projected onto a surface—rarely leave their fixed positions. Viewers move around them, drawing closer, shifting direction, and observing from different distances and angles as they choose.

A fashion show, by contrast, places spectators in comfort on either side of the ramp. The order of their seats reflects power, status, and wealth. Designers’ creations are carried by slender, elegant figures who emerge from one end and return to the same point with measured strides, under blazing, flickering lights. Products of imagination are displayed on a luminous runway much as artworks are carefully lit in an exhibition.

Yet amid the glitter, the designer’s couture, evening gown, or wedding dress—like a painting, sculpture, drawing, or photograph—remains a silent entity.

Both visual art and fashion design are vehicles for expressing aspects of human experience: the skin, appearance, physical attributes, material needs, personal observations, cultural phenomena, or inherited traditions, as well as responses to the natural and social environment. Crucially, both disciplines deal primarily with the body—the bare body—as in models posing in life-drawing classes.

Artists across every age and culture have depicted unclothed figures, from the earliest known stone figurine, the Venus of Willendorf (c. 28,000–25,000 BCE), to the present day. Similarly, the study of contour, color, measurement, posture, shape, and structure remains essential for fashion practitioners and students, who also base their concepts and designs on the naked human form.

Whatever label they bear, creative individuals invariably infuse their work with elements of their personality—sometimes subtly, sometimes overtly; occasionally even aggressively. In some instances, these personal traits act as the rope that leads the camel. This is particularly true in societies that are compartmentalized and unreceptive to diversity in gender, ethnicity, class, or faith.

A pertinent example is Pakistan’s Zia era (1977–88), when the state suppressed political, social, and cultural views deemed unacceptable. In response to the repression, some of the work produced during those days was essentially reactionary: once the dictatorship ended, its significance faded, leaving only its historic value. Some other artists, however, developed a language of resistance rather than mere reaction. No wonder their meaning, significance, and contribution have endured.

The same is true for those who feel marginalized in intolerant, patriarchal, and authoritarian communities.

The recently concluded exhibition by Fatima Faisal Qureshi and Fatima Butt, *The Weight of Elsewhere*, explored the relationship between the individual and society. Through Qureshi’s paintings and Butt’s drawings and mixed-media work, the duo disclosed emotions and memories, both recent and distant, as well as reflections on their socio-cultural surroundings.

Although the two artists share a studio and co-run an art gallery in Lahore, each pursues a distinct approach to developing content that is, to varying degrees, familiar and relatable.

Fatima Faisal Qureshi presented figures dressed, half-draped, and nude, depicted either alone or in company. Across her work runs a persistent sense of forlornness, depression, and temporality, hinting at separation. Each piece resembles a snapshot of human exchange, either just before or just after it has taken place.

An exception is the painting *Farewell My Lovers*, in which a party is shown in full swing. Even here, however, the central figure sits in quiet contemplation, one arm resting beneath her head, the other stretched across the sofa. The world Qureshi paints seems to exist beyond the reach of verbal discourse: one of comfort, longing, and an inward gaze.

A number of acts can be discerned in these vigorously and sensuously layered canvases. What unites them is the realization of light. Some of the paintings glow with shades of yellow and green; others are heavy with blues; a few are dominated by reds, crimsons, and mauves. Each, however, is a study of light and its alter ego, darkness.

The emphasis on artificial light in this series recalls Edward Hopper’s most celebrated canvas, *Nighthawks* (1942), in which four figures are caught in the harsh glow of a city’s reflected lights—a scene of urban alienation at an hour of night when time feels immeasurable. In Qureshi’s paintings, too, the world exists in perpetual night.

Across cultures, the division of day and night has long been linked to ideas of good and evil. Phrases such as enlightenment (or en-nightenment, as Ngugi wa Thiong’o once proposed), dark ages, dark continent, dark soul, blackmail, bright white day, and purified self illustrate the value we attach to the two halves of the 24-hour cycle.

Night has often been imagined as the setting for crime or as the force that prompts delinquency within an individual. Equally, the dark recesses of the unconscious are seen as the source of terrible acts we may neither recognize nor intend, and for which we later seek forgiveness.

Beyond its associations with forbidden pleasure, night is also the realm of dreams—a space where another chapter of personality unfolds. Unexpected, shocking, or shameful events occur while our eyes remain closed. What we recall on waking, regardless of the earthly hour, is consigned to night.

Dreams, therefore, are shelved as a reality distinct from the routine one.

In this sense, Fatima Faisal Qureshi’s paintings are scenarios of a freedom not possible in the openness of society. Whether real, imagined, or a fusion of the two, they represent the lens through which the artist views the world and the self—or the self and the other—and the ways in which the self merges into another.

One example is *The Crisis of Love*, a subject familiar to the artist’s studio: the painter, palette, brushes, and canvas on its easel. Yet here, every element is wrapped in ghostly shades of yellow-green, while the model reclines on a chair, legs outstretched. The scene before the viewer is also reproduced on the unfinished canvas within the painting, creating a chain of images within images.

This layering of imagery finds an echo in Fatima Butt’s striking *Encyclopaedia Series*, four works, each with its own subtitle: *The Garden*, *The Dining Room*, *The Living Room*, and *The Bedroom*.

Butt’s photographic prints, mixed media, and ink drawings, shown in the two-person exhibition (August 29–September 12, Kaleido Kontemporary, Lahore), summon memories of childhood in a specific period.

These years are recalled through objects no longer in everyday use and preserved only for their archival value. In each work, Butt arranges groups of small photographs—fragments of the past—in sequence, linking family members’ interactions with their possessions. A key beneath each piece connects the cut-out of an object to its place in the original family photograph of the artist’s parents and siblings.

In each of these works, the photographs are arranged on a quilted sheet draped over a piece of furniture, often accompanied by other decorative items. The artist captures intimate family recollections, a practice familiar across South Asia.

The reminder is clear: it is not the material, condition, or cost of these small objects that matters, but the intimacy, fear, loss, and desire attached to them. They are expressions of their time, and it is these associations that hold a family together.

As Tolstoy observed at the opening of *Anna Karenina*: “Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way.”
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1344869-being-and-other-objects

Nepal’s Gen Z

A week ago, I was drafting a research report on growing inequality in Asia and its link to increasing state repression of civic freedoms. Amidst the largely desolate landscape of state crackdowns and draconian laws across the region, I sought islands of hope. One country that quickly came to mind was Nepal.

Nepal adopted a rather inclusive and radical constitution in 2015. Subsequent legal reforms gave civil society a formal role in developmental planning. The Local Government Operation Act of 2017 was a landmark law that required local governments to ensure inclusive and participatory planning. Tools such as ward committees, social audits, public hearings, and citizen scorecards were regularly used to engage the public and civil society organizations in municipal budgeting, project selection, and oversight.

Moreover, civil society groups participated in performance audits with the Office of the Auditor General, directly monitoring public service delivery and corruption, and publicly reporting their findings. Even Freedom House, which rated Nepal as partly free, noted with satisfaction the country’s real progress in media freedom, local protest rights, and inclusive development.

However, that optimism evaporated overnight.

News broke that 19 protesters had been killed after young demonstrators—self-identifying as Gen Z—took to the streets in protest against a sweeping social media ban. WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram—the virtual lifelines of a generation—were suddenly blocked.

What followed was rapid unraveling across the country.

A virtual uprising swept Nepal, marked by mass-scale arson and destruction of public institutions, including the Parliament, Supreme Court, five-star hotels, private residences of the rich and famous, and politicians’ homes across party lines. Anarchy had been unleashed.

Even as the army finally took charge of the streets, by the time things settled, more than 70 people were dead; senior politicians had been publicly beaten, and the government was gone.

Several facts stand out from this upheaval.

It took the killing of just 19 people to topple a government—the 14th to fall since 2008, when the long-reigning monarchy was overthrown. The outgoing prime minister, KP Oli, had been sworn into power three times. As governments changed, there was a perception that political parties were merely playing musical chairs.

Despite the so-called progressive reforms mentioned earlier, Nepal was spiraling deeper into a debt crisis similar to those faced by Sri Lanka and Pakistan. Once boasting one of the highest social protection budgets in the region—around 6 percent of GDP—the country was forced to cut welfare allocations to address its debt crisis.

Per capita income remained among the lowest in the region, and youth unemployment was a significant challenge. Nepal is one of the youngest countries in Asia, with more than a fifth of its youth unemployed.

The young protesters distrusted the so-called independent media and targeted outlets they called corrupt. They stressed that their protest concerned rampant corruption and “nepo-kids” flaunting ostentatious lifestyles. The social media ban symbolized not only censorship but also the denial of the last tool young people had to organize against nepotism, corruption, and elite privilege.

So, how do we view this in the broader context of South Asia?

Nepal is the third country in the region to witness a youth-led mass uprising in recent times. We have already seen live-streamed, viral video takeovers of palatial residences belonging to virtual monarchs like Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka and Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh.

In all these cases, the uprisings coincided with declining macroeconomic indicators. Sri Lanka, facing its first sovereign debt default, implemented massive welfare cuts. The youth movement there organized around the Aragalaya (Struggle) against economic collapse and government corruption. The protest site at Galle Face Green—dubbed Gota Go Gama—became a symbol of democratic resistance, uniting people across ethnic and religious divides.

Similarly, the uprising in Bangladesh began over a disputed job quota. In 2023, 40 percent of youth aged 15-29 were classified as NEET—not in employment, education, or training—with about 18 million young people out of work.

Looking at two of the region’s largest countries, Pakistan and India, the picture varies but remains troubling.

Pakistan, long troubled by debt, has suppressed mass political protests in recent years. Its principal opposition leader remains in jail. India, on the other hand, has seen Prime Minister Modi’s iron hand crushing political opposition while channeling youth frustration into targeting minorities and promoting aggressive Hindutva nationalism.

Across these local contexts, common threads emerge: economic precarity, youth anger, distrust of political elites, and a widespread sense that the system is irredeemably corrupt.

Yet the outcomes remain uncertain.

Challenges persist, as evidenced by Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Under IMF pressure, Sri Lanka’s elected government has not altered its grim debt trajectory. The political situation in Bangladesh remains unsettled, with elections yet to take place as an aging Nobel Laureate holds the fort. Nepal has followed Dhaka’s lead by appointing a retired Supreme Court judge to head its caretaker government.

The larger question is: how will these battered societies rebuild trust in their political class?

History is often rewritten in hindsight. Nepal’s abrupt turn from a model of participation to a theater of upheaval serves as a sobering reminder of how quickly hope can collapse.

Needless to say, I had to return to my first draft and rewrite the entire section.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345075-nepals-gen-z

Nepal’s Gen Z

A week ago, I was writing the first draft of a research report on growing inequality in Asia and its link to increasing state repression of civic freedoms. Amidst the largely desolate landscape of state crackdowns and draconian laws across the region, I sought out islands of hope. One that quickly came to mind was Nepal.

The country had adopted a rather inclusive and radical constitution in 2015. Subsequent legal reforms included giving civil society a formal role in developmental planning. The Local Government Operation Act of 2017 was a landmark law requiring local governments to ensure inclusive and participatory planning. Ward committees, social audits, public hearings, and citizen scorecards were regularly used to engage the public and civil society organizations in municipal budgeting, project selection, and oversight.

Civil society groups also participated in performance audits with the Office of the Auditor General, directly monitoring public service delivery and corruption, and publicly reporting findings. Even Freedom House, which rated Nepal as partly free, noted with satisfaction the country’s real progress in media freedom, local protest rights, and inclusive development.

That optimism, however, evaporated overnight. News broke that 19 protesters were killed after young demonstrators—self-identifying as Gen Z—took to the streets against a sweeping social media ban. WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram—the virtual lifelines of a generation—were suddenly blocked.

Things unraveled quickly thereafter, leading to a virtual uprising across the country. There was mass-scale arson and destruction of public institutions, including the Parliament, Supreme Court, five-star hotels, private residences of the rich and famous, and politicians’ homes across party lines. Anarchy had been unleashed.

Even as the army finally took charge of the streets, by the time things settled, more than 70 people were dead. Senior politicians had been publicly beaten, and the government was gone.

Certain facts stand out from this upheaval. It took the killing of just 19 people to topple a government—the 14th to fall since 2008, when a long-reigning monarchy collapsed. The outgoing prime minister, KP Oli, had been sworn into power three times. As governments changed, there was a perception that political parties were merely playing musical chairs.

Despite the so-called progressive reforms mentioned earlier, Nepal was spiraling deeper into a debt crisis similar to those of Sri Lanka and Pakistan. The country, which had maintained one of the highest social protection budgets in the region (around 6 percent of GDP), was forced to cut welfare allocations to meet its debt obligations. Per capita income remained among the lowest in the region.

Nepal is one of the youngest countries in Asia. More than a fifth of its youth are unemployed. The young protesters did not trust the so-called independent media institutions and attacked those labeling them corrupt.

The optimism disappeared promptly as the social media ban ignited unrest. The protesters emphasized that their demonstrations were more about rampant corruption, nepotism, and the ostentatious lifestyles of “nepo-kids” than just censorship. They viewed the social media ban as not only a tool of censorship but also the denial of their last means to organize against nepotism, corruption, and elite privilege.

So, how should we view the bigger picture in South Asia?

Nepal is the third country in the region to witness a youth-led mass uprising. We have already seen live-streamed viral videos capturing the takeover of palatial residences of virtual monarchs like Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka and Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh. In all these cases, the uprisings coincided with declining macroeconomic indicators.

Sri Lanka, for example, defaulted on a sovereign debt payment for the first time, leading to massive welfare cuts. The youth movement organized itself under the banner of *Aragalaya* (Struggle) against economic collapse and governmental corruption. The protest site at Galle Face Square, known as *Gotta Go Gama*, became a symbol of democratic resistance, uniting people across ethnic and religious divides.

The uprising in Bangladesh began over a disputed job quota. In 2023, 40 percent of the youth aged 15-29 were classified as NEET (not in employment, education, or training). It was estimated that about 18 million young people were out of work.

Now, consider two large countries in the region. Pakistan, long troubled by its debt burden, has suppressed mass political protests in recent years. Its principal opposition leader remains in jail. India, on the other hand, has seen Prime Minister Modi’s iron hand crushing political opposition while channeling youth frustration into targeting minorities and espousing aggressive Hindutva nationalism.

Across these local contexts, common threads emerge: economic precarity, youth anger, distrust of political elites, and the pervasive sense that the system is irredeemably corrupt.

Yet the outcomes remain uncertain. There are ongoing challenges, if we take Bangladesh’s and Sri Lanka’s examples as warnings. Under IMF pressure, Sri Lanka’s elected government has not altered its grim debt trajectory. The political situation in Bangladesh remains unsettled, with elections yet to take place as an aging Nobel Laureate continues to hold the fort. Nepal has followed Dhaka’s lead by appointing a retired Supreme Court judge to head its caretaker government.

The larger question is: how will these battered societies rebuild trust in their political classes?

History is often rewritten in hindsight. Nepal’s abrupt turn from a model of participation to a theatre of upheaval is a sobering reminder of how quickly hope can collapse.

Needless to say, I had to go back to my first draft and rewrite the entire section.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345075-nepals-gen-z

Nepal’s Gen Z

A week ago, I was writing the first draft for a research report on growing inequality in Asia and how it is linked to increasing state repression of civic freedoms. Amidst the largely desolate landscape of state crackdowns and draconian laws across the region, I went looking for islands of hope. One that came to mind quickly was Nepal.

The country had adopted a rather inclusive and radical constitution in 2015. Subsequent law reforms included giving civil society a formal role in developmental planning. The Local Government Operation Act, 2017, was a landmark law that required local governments to ensure inclusive and participatory planning. Ward committees, social audits, public hearings, and citizen scorecards were used regularly to engage the public and civil society organisations in municipal budgeting, project selection, and oversight.

Civil society groups also participated in performance audits with the Office of the Auditor General, directly monitoring public service delivery and corruption, and publicly reporting findings. Even Freedom House, which rated the country as partly free, noted with satisfaction the country’s real progress in media freedom, local protest rights, and inclusive development.

That optimism evaporated overnight as news broke of 19 protesters killed after young demonstrators—self-identifying as Gen Z—took to the streets against a sweeping social media ban. WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram—the virtual lifelines of a generation—were suddenly blocked.

Things unraveled quickly thereafter, leading to a virtual uprising across the country, mass-scale arson, and destruction of public institutions, including the Parliament, Supreme Court, five-star hotels, private residential quarters of the rich and famous, as well as politicians across party lines. Anarchy had been let loose.

Even as the army finally took charge of the streets, by the time things settled, more than 70 people were dead; senior politicians had been beaten publicly; and the government was gone.

Certain facts stand out. It took the killing of just 19 people to topple a government—the 14th to fall since 2008, when a long-reigning monarchy fell. The outgoing prime minister, KP Oli, was thrice sworn into power. As governments changed, there was a perception that the political parties were playing musical chairs.

Despite all the so-called progressive reforms mentioned earlier, the country was spiraling deeper into a debt crisis similar to Sri Lanka and Pakistan. The country that had had a social protection budget among the highest in the region (around 6 percent of GDP) was forced to cut welfare allocations to meet its debt crisis. Per capita income remained among the lowest in the region.

Nepal is one of the youngest countries in Asia. More than a fifth of the youth are unemployed. The young protestors didn’t trust the so-called independent media institutions and attacked those calling them corrupt.

The protestors were at pains to stress that their protest had more to do with rampant corruption and “nepo-kids” flaunting their ostentatious lifestyles. They said the social media ban symbolised not only censorship but also the denial of the last tool young people had to organise against nepotism, corruption, and ostentatious elite privilege.

So how do we look at the bigger picture in South Asia?

Nepal is the third country in the region to fall witness to a youth-led mass uprising. We have already seen live-streamed viral video takeovers of palatial residences of virtual monarchs like Rajapaksa and Sheikh Hasina. In all these cases, the uprising coincided with the decline of macro-economic indicators.

Sri Lanka, for the first time, defaulted on a sovereign debt payment and there were massive welfare cuts. The youth movement then organised itself around Aragalaya (Struggle) against economic collapse and government corruption. The protest site at Galle Face Square, called Gotta Go Gama, became a symbol of democratic resistance, uniting people across ethnic and religious divides.

The uprising in Bangladesh began over a disputed job quota. In 2023, 40 percent of the youth aged 15-29 were classified as NEET (not in employment, education, or training). It was estimated that about 18 million young people were out of work.

Now, look at two big countries in the region. Pakistan, long troubled by its debt burden, has suppressed mass political protests in recent years. Its principal opposition leader remains in jail. India, on the one hand, has seen Prime Minister Modi’s iron hand crushing political opposition and, on the other, has sought to channel the frustration of its young people into targeting minorities and espousing an aggressive Hindutva nationalism.

Across local contexts, common threads emerge: economic precarity, youth anger, distrust of political elites, and the sense that the system is irredeemably corrupt. Yet, the outcomes remain uncertain.

There are ongoing challenges, if Bangladesh’s and Sri Lanka’s examples are to go by. Under IMF pressure, the elected government in Sri Lanka has not altered its grim debt trajectory. The political situation is far from settled in Bangladesh where elections are yet to take place as an ageing Nobel Laureate is holding the fort. Nepal has followed Dhaka’s lead in turning to a retired Supreme Court judge to head its caretaker government.

The larger question is: how will the battered societies rebuild trust in their political class?

History is often rewritten in hindsight. Nepal’s abrupt turn from a model of participation to a theatre of upheaval is a sobering reminder of how quickly hope can collapse.

Needless to say, I had to go back to my first draft and re-write the entire section.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345075-nepals-gen-z

Quota politics of divide and rule

Across Maharashtra, from small talukas to big districts and cities, streets are now filled with rallies, processions, and even hunger strikes — all demanding one thing: reservation.

The Dhangars have started a protest asking for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status. The Banjara community and the Kolis (fisherfolk), too, want the same. However, these demands are met with stiff resistance and protests by other communities, who fear any new inclusion will reduce their own share.

Sadly, instead of reducing the inequality gap, reservation is spilling into fresh rivalries. The state is witnessing communities locked in battles for their own share of the quota. Such is the situation that villages where communities have lived in peace for generations are now witnessing tensions, with old grudges surfacing solely over reservation. Quota politics is pulling communities apart.

Many experts see the implementation of the Mandal Commission as a turning point for the reservation issue. The Maratha community’s demand intensified in early 2000 when the Kunbi (an agrarian sub-caste) was officially granted OBC status.

Of the 12 crore-plus population in Maharashtra, 28 percent are Maratha, while 53 percent are OBC. Despite having a ceiling of 50 percent for reservation, in many states, including Maharashtra, the ceiling has been breached. Yet political promises continue to stretch the limits.

Currently, Maharashtra has 52 percent reservation for SC, ST, Vimukt Jati, Nomadic Tribes, and OBC. In addition, a 10 percent reservation for Marathas (socially and economically backward class) takes the total reservation to 62 percent.

Maharashtra has always been referred to as the land of reformers. History reminds us how several stalwart reformists and leaders — including Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Shahu Maharaj, and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar — fought to break the caste system and barriers and worked tirelessly for the upliftment of the marginalized. The goal was inclusion, not rivalry.

However, as political parties have changed the definition of reforms, reservation is now seen as one of the major elements that define electoral issues. Even if framed as justice, the bigger motive often becomes, “What about one’s own community?”

Political parties, instead of coming together to find an amicable solution to the problem, are milking the situation as they view this divide among communities as an opportunity to create vote banks.

When the ruling regime — the BJP-led Maharashtra government — called for an all-party meeting on the Maratha reservation issue, the Opposition remained absent from the discussion.

Ideally, one would expect leaders to seek votes on the basis of vision and development. Instead, they are asking for votes in the name of caste.

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’s reaction clearly speaks about political posturing. Last week, Fadnavis claimed that the government decision had not touched or altered any quota, adding, “But if anyone still wants to play politics over it, what can be said?”

According to media reports, OBC strongman and state minister Chhagan Bhujbal has openly urged the community to teach lessons to Maratha leaders backing quota activist Manoj Jarange. On the other hand, Jarange has instructed all Marathas to ensure the defeat of OBC leaders opposing their demand.

This is a clear indication that society continues to prioritize caste over policy and progress.

For now, such parties may see short-term gains in the form of popularity and electoral votes, but in the long run, this will certainly erode social trust.

Everyone in society needs to be taken into confidence and reminded that reservation is not the only path to progress or a quality life. Creating more employment, education, and job opportunities — along with quota — are also needed if the state wants to see tangible results and real change.

Phule fought for education, Shahu Maharaj sought to break caste monopolies in Kolhapur, and Ambedkar’s cause was to bring equality and dignity.

If Maharashtra wishes to retain its tag as a reformist state, the time has come for all political parties, community leaders, organizations, and civil society to come together.

Along with reservation, making education affordable, improving its quality, and ensuring wide access to everyone are crucial. Additionally, working on upgrading the skills of the youth and addressing unemployment by providing more opportunities are imperative for the state to rediscover its vision and the spirit of reform.

If these steps are ignored, the gap will widen, rivalries between communities will rise, and the social fabric will be torn beyond repair.
https://www.mid-day.com/news/opinion/article/quota-politics-of-divide-and-rule-23594907

‘Not Our Employee’: HDFC Bank On Viral Audio Of Woman Abusing CRPF Jawan For Loan Recovery

**Mumbai: HDFC Bank Issues Clarification After Viral Audio of Woman Abusing CRPF Jawan Sparks Outrage**

A viral audio clip featuring a woman allegedly abusing a CRPF jawan during a loan-related phone call has triggered widespread outrage on social media. In response, HDFC Bank issued a clarification on Friday, stating that the woman heard in the recording was wrongly identified as one of its employees. The bank emphasized that such behavior is unacceptable and does not represent its values.

### Controversy Over Viral Audio Clip

The controversy began when the audio clip circulated widely online, with several users claiming that the woman, identified as a banker, worked for HDFC Bank. In the recording, the woman can be heard mocking the soldier’s profession and using abusive language during what appeared to be a dispute over loan disbursement.

### HDFC Bank Responds

HDFC Bank quickly addressed the situation with a public statement posted on X, saying:
*”This is with reference to an audio clip circulating on social and online media, where a lady is heard speaking disrespectfully to a CRPF personnel. Multiple posts have incorrectly identified her as an employee of HDFC Bank. We would like to clarify that this individual is not an employee of HDFC Bank. The conduct heard in the clip is neither acceptable nor does it reflect our values as an organisation.”*

### Details From the Viral Audio

The audio revealed deeply derogatory remarks directed at the CRPF jawan. The woman allegedly insulted the soldier by calling him “uneducated” and mocking his service. She further claimed that his financial struggles were a reflection of his poor background. At one point, she reportedly said, *“You are uneducated, that’s why you have been sent to the border. That’s why your children are born disabled.”*

She also belittled the jawan for living on loans, derided his service to the nation, and provocatively dared him to take any action against her, boasting about her own links to an Armed Forces family.

### Public Reaction and Next Steps

The harsh language sparked sharp criticism from netizens, who demanded strict action against the woman and called on the bank to clarify the situation. While the identity of the soldier has not been disclosed, authorities are investigating the origin of the call and whether the woman is affiliated with any financial institution.

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