Category Archives: society

Nepal’s Gen Z

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A week ago, I was writing the first draft of a research report on growing inequality in Asia and its link to increasing state repression of civic freedoms. Amidst the largely desolate landscape of state crackdowns and draconian laws across the region, I sought out islands of hope. One that quickly came to mind was Nepal.

The country had adopted a rather inclusive and radical constitution in 2015. Subsequent legal reforms included giving civil society a formal role in developmental planning. The Local Government Operation Act of 2017 was a landmark law requiring local governments to ensure inclusive and participatory planning. Ward committees, social audits, public hearings, and citizen scorecards were regularly used to engage the public and civil society organizations in municipal budgeting, project selection, and oversight.

Civil society groups also participated in performance audits with the Office of the Auditor General, directly monitoring public service delivery and corruption, and publicly reporting findings. Even Freedom House, which rated Nepal as partly free, noted with satisfaction the country’s real progress in media freedom, local protest rights, and inclusive development.

That optimism, however, evaporated overnight. News broke that 19 protesters were killed after young demonstrators—self-identifying as Gen Z—took to the streets against a sweeping social media ban. WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram—the virtual lifelines of a generation—were suddenly blocked.

Things unraveled quickly thereafter, leading to a virtual uprising across the country. There was mass-scale arson and destruction of public institutions, including the Parliament, Supreme Court, five-star hotels, private residences of the rich and famous, and politicians’ homes across party lines. Anarchy had been unleashed.

Even as the army finally took charge of the streets, by the time things settled, more than 70 people were dead. Senior politicians had been publicly beaten, and the government was gone.

Certain facts stand out from this upheaval. It took the killing of just 19 people to topple a government—the 14th to fall since 2008, when a long-reigning monarchy collapsed. The outgoing prime minister, KP Oli, had been sworn into power three times. As governments changed, there was a perception that political parties were merely playing musical chairs.

Despite the so-called progressive reforms mentioned earlier, Nepal was spiraling deeper into a debt crisis similar to those of Sri Lanka and Pakistan. The country, which had maintained one of the highest social protection budgets in the region (around 6 percent of GDP), was forced to cut welfare allocations to meet its debt obligations. Per capita income remained among the lowest in the region.

Nepal is one of the youngest countries in Asia. More than a fifth of its youth are unemployed. The young protesters did not trust the so-called independent media institutions and attacked those labeling them corrupt.

The optimism disappeared promptly as the social media ban ignited unrest. The protesters emphasized that their demonstrations were more about rampant corruption, nepotism, and the ostentatious lifestyles of “nepo-kids” than just censorship. They viewed the social media ban as not only a tool of censorship but also the denial of their last means to organize against nepotism, corruption, and elite privilege.

So, how should we view the bigger picture in South Asia?

Nepal is the third country in the region to witness a youth-led mass uprising. We have already seen live-streamed viral videos capturing the takeover of palatial residences of virtual monarchs like Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka and Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh. In all these cases, the uprisings coincided with declining macroeconomic indicators.

Sri Lanka, for example, defaulted on a sovereign debt payment for the first time, leading to massive welfare cuts. The youth movement organized itself under the banner of *Aragalaya* (Struggle) against economic collapse and governmental corruption. The protest site at Galle Face Square, known as *Gotta Go Gama*, became a symbol of democratic resistance, uniting people across ethnic and religious divides.

The uprising in Bangladesh began over a disputed job quota. In 2023, 40 percent of the youth aged 15-29 were classified as NEET (not in employment, education, or training). It was estimated that about 18 million young people were out of work.

Now, consider two large countries in the region. Pakistan, long troubled by its debt burden, has suppressed mass political protests in recent years. Its principal opposition leader remains in jail. India, on the other hand, has seen Prime Minister Modi’s iron hand crushing political opposition while channeling youth frustration into targeting minorities and espousing aggressive Hindutva nationalism.

Across these local contexts, common threads emerge: economic precarity, youth anger, distrust of political elites, and the pervasive sense that the system is irredeemably corrupt.

Yet the outcomes remain uncertain. There are ongoing challenges, if we take Bangladesh’s and Sri Lanka’s examples as warnings. Under IMF pressure, Sri Lanka’s elected government has not altered its grim debt trajectory. The political situation in Bangladesh remains unsettled, with elections yet to take place as an aging Nobel Laureate continues to hold the fort. Nepal has followed Dhaka’s lead by appointing a retired Supreme Court judge to head its caretaker government.

The larger question is: how will these battered societies rebuild trust in their political classes?

History is often rewritten in hindsight. Nepal’s abrupt turn from a model of participation to a theatre of upheaval is a sobering reminder of how quickly hope can collapse.

Needless to say, I had to go back to my first draft and rewrite the entire section.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345075-nepals-gen-z

Nepal’s Gen Z

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A week ago, I was writing the first draft for a research report on growing inequality in Asia and how it is linked to increasing state repression of civic freedoms. Amidst the largely desolate landscape of state crackdowns and draconian laws across the region, I went looking for islands of hope. One that came to mind quickly was Nepal.

The country had adopted a rather inclusive and radical constitution in 2015. Subsequent law reforms included giving civil society a formal role in developmental planning. The Local Government Operation Act, 2017, was a landmark law that required local governments to ensure inclusive and participatory planning. Ward committees, social audits, public hearings, and citizen scorecards were used regularly to engage the public and civil society organisations in municipal budgeting, project selection, and oversight.

Civil society groups also participated in performance audits with the Office of the Auditor General, directly monitoring public service delivery and corruption, and publicly reporting findings. Even Freedom House, which rated the country as partly free, noted with satisfaction the country’s real progress in media freedom, local protest rights, and inclusive development.

That optimism evaporated overnight as news broke of 19 protesters killed after young demonstrators—self-identifying as Gen Z—took to the streets against a sweeping social media ban. WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram—the virtual lifelines of a generation—were suddenly blocked.

Things unraveled quickly thereafter, leading to a virtual uprising across the country, mass-scale arson, and destruction of public institutions, including the Parliament, Supreme Court, five-star hotels, private residential quarters of the rich and famous, as well as politicians across party lines. Anarchy had been let loose.

Even as the army finally took charge of the streets, by the time things settled, more than 70 people were dead; senior politicians had been beaten publicly; and the government was gone.

Certain facts stand out. It took the killing of just 19 people to topple a government—the 14th to fall since 2008, when a long-reigning monarchy fell. The outgoing prime minister, KP Oli, was thrice sworn into power. As governments changed, there was a perception that the political parties were playing musical chairs.

Despite all the so-called progressive reforms mentioned earlier, the country was spiraling deeper into a debt crisis similar to Sri Lanka and Pakistan. The country that had had a social protection budget among the highest in the region (around 6 percent of GDP) was forced to cut welfare allocations to meet its debt crisis. Per capita income remained among the lowest in the region.

Nepal is one of the youngest countries in Asia. More than a fifth of the youth are unemployed. The young protestors didn’t trust the so-called independent media institutions and attacked those calling them corrupt.

The protestors were at pains to stress that their protest had more to do with rampant corruption and “nepo-kids” flaunting their ostentatious lifestyles. They said the social media ban symbolised not only censorship but also the denial of the last tool young people had to organise against nepotism, corruption, and ostentatious elite privilege.

So how do we look at the bigger picture in South Asia?

Nepal is the third country in the region to fall witness to a youth-led mass uprising. We have already seen live-streamed viral video takeovers of palatial residences of virtual monarchs like Rajapaksa and Sheikh Hasina. In all these cases, the uprising coincided with the decline of macro-economic indicators.

Sri Lanka, for the first time, defaulted on a sovereign debt payment and there were massive welfare cuts. The youth movement then organised itself around Aragalaya (Struggle) against economic collapse and government corruption. The protest site at Galle Face Square, called Gotta Go Gama, became a symbol of democratic resistance, uniting people across ethnic and religious divides.

The uprising in Bangladesh began over a disputed job quota. In 2023, 40 percent of the youth aged 15-29 were classified as NEET (not in employment, education, or training). It was estimated that about 18 million young people were out of work.

Now, look at two big countries in the region. Pakistan, long troubled by its debt burden, has suppressed mass political protests in recent years. Its principal opposition leader remains in jail. India, on the one hand, has seen Prime Minister Modi’s iron hand crushing political opposition and, on the other, has sought to channel the frustration of its young people into targeting minorities and espousing an aggressive Hindutva nationalism.

Across local contexts, common threads emerge: economic precarity, youth anger, distrust of political elites, and the sense that the system is irredeemably corrupt. Yet, the outcomes remain uncertain.

There are ongoing challenges, if Bangladesh’s and Sri Lanka’s examples are to go by. Under IMF pressure, the elected government in Sri Lanka has not altered its grim debt trajectory. The political situation is far from settled in Bangladesh where elections are yet to take place as an ageing Nobel Laureate is holding the fort. Nepal has followed Dhaka’s lead in turning to a retired Supreme Court judge to head its caretaker government.

The larger question is: how will the battered societies rebuild trust in their political class?

History is often rewritten in hindsight. Nepal’s abrupt turn from a model of participation to a theatre of upheaval is a sobering reminder of how quickly hope can collapse.

Needless to say, I had to go back to my first draft and re-write the entire section.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345075-nepals-gen-z

Quota politics of divide and rule

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Across Maharashtra, from small talukas to big districts and cities, streets are now filled with rallies, processions, and even hunger strikes — all demanding one thing: reservation.

The Dhangars have started a protest asking for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status. The Banjara community and the Kolis (fisherfolk), too, want the same. However, these demands are met with stiff resistance and protests by other communities, who fear any new inclusion will reduce their own share.

Sadly, instead of reducing the inequality gap, reservation is spilling into fresh rivalries. The state is witnessing communities locked in battles for their own share of the quota. Such is the situation that villages where communities have lived in peace for generations are now witnessing tensions, with old grudges surfacing solely over reservation. Quota politics is pulling communities apart.

Many experts see the implementation of the Mandal Commission as a turning point for the reservation issue. The Maratha community’s demand intensified in early 2000 when the Kunbi (an agrarian sub-caste) was officially granted OBC status.

Of the 12 crore-plus population in Maharashtra, 28 percent are Maratha, while 53 percent are OBC. Despite having a ceiling of 50 percent for reservation, in many states, including Maharashtra, the ceiling has been breached. Yet political promises continue to stretch the limits.

Currently, Maharashtra has 52 percent reservation for SC, ST, Vimukt Jati, Nomadic Tribes, and OBC. In addition, a 10 percent reservation for Marathas (socially and economically backward class) takes the total reservation to 62 percent.

Maharashtra has always been referred to as the land of reformers. History reminds us how several stalwart reformists and leaders — including Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Shahu Maharaj, and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar — fought to break the caste system and barriers and worked tirelessly for the upliftment of the marginalized. The goal was inclusion, not rivalry.

However, as political parties have changed the definition of reforms, reservation is now seen as one of the major elements that define electoral issues. Even if framed as justice, the bigger motive often becomes, “What about one’s own community?”

Political parties, instead of coming together to find an amicable solution to the problem, are milking the situation as they view this divide among communities as an opportunity to create vote banks.

When the ruling regime — the BJP-led Maharashtra government — called for an all-party meeting on the Maratha reservation issue, the Opposition remained absent from the discussion.

Ideally, one would expect leaders to seek votes on the basis of vision and development. Instead, they are asking for votes in the name of caste.

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’s reaction clearly speaks about political posturing. Last week, Fadnavis claimed that the government decision had not touched or altered any quota, adding, “But if anyone still wants to play politics over it, what can be said?”

According to media reports, OBC strongman and state minister Chhagan Bhujbal has openly urged the community to teach lessons to Maratha leaders backing quota activist Manoj Jarange. On the other hand, Jarange has instructed all Marathas to ensure the defeat of OBC leaders opposing their demand.

This is a clear indication that society continues to prioritize caste over policy and progress.

For now, such parties may see short-term gains in the form of popularity and electoral votes, but in the long run, this will certainly erode social trust.

Everyone in society needs to be taken into confidence and reminded that reservation is not the only path to progress or a quality life. Creating more employment, education, and job opportunities — along with quota — are also needed if the state wants to see tangible results and real change.

Phule fought for education, Shahu Maharaj sought to break caste monopolies in Kolhapur, and Ambedkar’s cause was to bring equality and dignity.

If Maharashtra wishes to retain its tag as a reformist state, the time has come for all political parties, community leaders, organizations, and civil society to come together.

Along with reservation, making education affordable, improving its quality, and ensuring wide access to everyone are crucial. Additionally, working on upgrading the skills of the youth and addressing unemployment by providing more opportunities are imperative for the state to rediscover its vision and the spirit of reform.

If these steps are ignored, the gap will widen, rivalries between communities will rise, and the social fabric will be torn beyond repair.
https://www.mid-day.com/news/opinion/article/quota-politics-of-divide-and-rule-23594907

‘Not Our Employee’: HDFC Bank On Viral Audio Of Woman Abusing CRPF Jawan For Loan Recovery

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**Mumbai: HDFC Bank Issues Clarification After Viral Audio of Woman Abusing CRPF Jawan Sparks Outrage**

A viral audio clip featuring a woman allegedly abusing a CRPF jawan during a loan-related phone call has triggered widespread outrage on social media. In response, HDFC Bank issued a clarification on Friday, stating that the woman heard in the recording was wrongly identified as one of its employees. The bank emphasized that such behavior is unacceptable and does not represent its values.

### Controversy Over Viral Audio Clip

The controversy began when the audio clip circulated widely online, with several users claiming that the woman, identified as a banker, worked for HDFC Bank. In the recording, the woman can be heard mocking the soldier’s profession and using abusive language during what appeared to be a dispute over loan disbursement.

### HDFC Bank Responds

HDFC Bank quickly addressed the situation with a public statement posted on X, saying:
*”This is with reference to an audio clip circulating on social and online media, where a lady is heard speaking disrespectfully to a CRPF personnel. Multiple posts have incorrectly identified her as an employee of HDFC Bank. We would like to clarify that this individual is not an employee of HDFC Bank. The conduct heard in the clip is neither acceptable nor does it reflect our values as an organisation.”*

### Details From the Viral Audio

The audio revealed deeply derogatory remarks directed at the CRPF jawan. The woman allegedly insulted the soldier by calling him “uneducated” and mocking his service. She further claimed that his financial struggles were a reflection of his poor background. At one point, she reportedly said, *“You are uneducated, that’s why you have been sent to the border. That’s why your children are born disabled.”*

She also belittled the jawan for living on loans, derided his service to the nation, and provocatively dared him to take any action against her, boasting about her own links to an Armed Forces family.

### Public Reaction and Next Steps

The harsh language sparked sharp criticism from netizens, who demanded strict action against the woman and called on the bank to clarify the situation. While the identity of the soldier has not been disclosed, authorities are investigating the origin of the call and whether the woman is affiliated with any financial institution.

—

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https://www.freepressjournal.in/mumbai/not-our-employee-hdfc-bank-on-viral-audio-of-woman-abusing-crpf-jawan-for-loan-recovery

5 workplace communication myths ‘The Office’ gets wrong

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**5 Workplace Communication Myths ‘The Office’ Gets Wrong**
*By Vinita Jain | Sep 19, 2025, 02:24 PM*

*What’s the story?*
The Office, a popular sitcom, has given us plenty of laughs and some insights into workplace communication. However, not all of its portrayals are accurate or practical. While entertaining, the show often exaggerates or simplifies complex communication dynamics. Here, we debunk five common myths about workplace communication as seen in The Office and offer a more realistic view of how to effectively communicate in professional settings.

**#1 Myth of Over-the-Top Personalities**
The Office frequently depicts characters with exaggerated personalities that dominate most of the office dynamics. In reality, workplaces feature a diverse range of personalities, but they are rarely as dramatic or over-the-top as shown on the show. Believing this myth can lead to misunderstandings about how personality traits affect communication at work. The key in actual workplaces is to understand and adapt to different personalities to communicate effectively.

**#2 Misconception of Constant Conflict**
Another recurring theme in The Office is the idea that workplaces are always filled with conflict and drama. While some conflict is inevitable in any team environment, most workplaces maintain a more subdued atmosphere where collaboration and teamwork prevail. This misconception can cause unnecessary stress among employees who feel they must be perpetually managing conflicts.

**#3 Oversimplification of Leadership Roles**
Leadership roles in The Office are often simplified, with managers portrayed as either clueless or overly controlling. Effective leadership, however, requires a balance between authority and approachability. Leaders need to navigate complex relationships and make decisions that support the well-being of their teams. This myth can undermine the importance of strong leadership skills that foster a positive and productive work environment.

**#4 Illusion of Open Communication Channels**
The Office portrays open communication as easily accessible to all employees, regardless of hierarchy or position. In contrast, most organizations require conscious effort from both management and staff to build trust and transparency. Believing otherwise might lead employees to assume they can voice concerns freely without facing any barriers or repercussions.

**#5 Simplistic View on Feedback Mechanisms**
Feedback in The Office is often shown as simple exchanges between coworkers or between employees and managers. In reality, effective feedback is part of structured systems designed to facilitate constructive criticism and professional growth. Without these systems, misunderstandings can arise and potentially harm team dynamics.

—

By understanding these myths and recognizing the realities of workplace communication, employees and leaders can foster more effective, respectful, and productive interactions. While The Office provides great entertainment, real-life communication requires nuance, effort, and balance.
https://www.newsbytesapp.com/news/entertainment/5-workplace-communication-myths-the-office-gets-wrong/story

‘Jolly LLB 3’ reviews: What netizens said about Akshay-Arshad’s film

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**Jolly LLB 3 Reviews: What Netizens Are Saying About Akshay Kumar and Arshad Warsi’s Film**
*By Apoorva Rastogi | Sep 19, 2025, 01:23 PM*

The much-anticipated courtroom drama *Jolly LLB 3*, starring Akshay Kumar and Arshad Warsi, has finally hit theaters. Directed by Subhash Kapoor, the film sees both actors reprising their popular roles from the previous installments in the series.

### Franchise Continuation: Warsi and Kumar Return as ‘Jolly’ in the New Sequel

*Jolly LLB 3* is the third installment in the *Jolly LLB* franchise, following *Jolly LLB* (2013) and *Jolly LLB 2* (2017). In this sequel, Akshay Kumar reprises his role as Jagdwishwar “Jolly” Mishra, while Arshad Warsi returns as Jagdish “Jolly” Tyagi.

The plot centers around a land-grabbing case involving a political heavyweight, inspired by the 2011 land acquisition protests in Uttar Pradesh. The film blends legal drama with social issues, delivering a powerful narrative.

### Positive Reception: Engaging Screenplay and Strong Performances Win Hearts

Netizens have responded positively to *Jolly LLB 3*, praising its engaging screenplay and impactful writing. On social media, audience reactions highlight the film’s balance of comedy, emotion, and courtroom intensity.

One user on X (formerly Twitter) shared,
*”What a performance by Akshay Kumar & Arshad Warsi. Great comedy with great screenplay and an emotional message.”*

Another fan commented,
*”Watched #JollyLLB3. What an intense courtroom scene. This movie is dedicated to farmers and their fight for justice. Masterpiece.”*

Others praised it as,
*”#JollyLLB3 is awesome. From start to finish, it’s full of laughter, thoughtful social message, and great courtroom drama.”*

### Pre-Release Controversy: Satire Sparks Debate but Courts Clear the Film

Before its release, *Jolly LLB 3* faced controversy over allegations that its promotional material and the song *Bhai Vakeel Hai* mocked the judiciary. Petitions were filed challenging the film’s content.

However, both the Bombay and Allahabad High Courts dismissed these petitions, ruling that the satire presented in the film does not undermine the dignity of the judiciary.

Following minor edits, the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) cleared the film with a U/A certificate and a 16+ advisory.

—

For an in-depth review of *Jolly LLB 3*, read [our full review here].
https://www.newsbytesapp.com/news/entertainment/akshay-kumar-arshad-warsi-s-jolly-llb-3-twitter-review/story

‘Jolly LLB 3’ reviews: What netizens said about Akshay-Arshad’s film

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**Jolly LLB 3 Reviews: What Netizens Are Saying About Akshay Kumar and Arshad Warsi’s Latest Film**
*By Apoorva Rastogi | Sep 19, 2025, 01:23 PM*

The much-anticipated courtroom drama *Jolly LLB 3*, starring Akshay Kumar and Arshad Warsi, has finally hit theaters. Directed by Subhash Kapoor, the film marks the return of both actors reprising their iconic roles from the beloved series.

### Franchise Continuation: Warsi and Kumar Return as ‘Jolly’

*Jolly LLB 3* is the third installment following *Jolly LLB* (2013) and *Jolly LLB 2* (2017). In this sequel, Akshay Kumar reprises his role as Jagdwishwar “Jolly” Mishra, while Arshad Warsi returns as Jagdish “Jolly” Tyagi. The film’s plot centers on a high-stakes land-grabbing case involving a political heavyweight, inspired by the 2011 land acquisition protests in Uttar Pradesh.

### Positive Reception from Netizens

The film has been met with a wave of positive responses online. On social media platform X (formerly Twitter), viewers have praised the film’s engaging screenplay and powerful storytelling.

One user commented, “What a performance by Akshay Kumar & Arshad Warsi. Great comedy with great screenplay and an emotional message.”

Another shared, “Watched #JollyLLB3 — what an intense courtroom scene. This movie is dedicated to farmers. It’s about their fight for justice. Masterpiece.”

A devoted fan wrote, “#JollyLLB3 is awesome. From start to finish, it’s full of laughter, thoughtful social messages, and fantastic courtroom drama.”

### Pre-Release Controversy

Before its release, *Jolly LLB 3* faced controversy regarding claims that it mocked the judiciary through its promotional material and the song *Bhai Vakeel Hai*. However, petitions filed in the Bombay and Allahabad High Courts were dismissed. Both courts ruled that satire does not undermine the dignity of the judiciary.

Following this, the film was cleared by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) with a U/A certificate accompanied by a “16+ advisory,” after minor edits were made.

—

For a detailed critique, [read our full review here](#).
https://www.newsbytesapp.com/news/entertainment/akshay-kumar-arshad-warsi-s-jolly-llb-3-twitter-review/story

Karnataka’s New Backward Class Survey Raises Questions On Quotas, Accuracy And Social Justice

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In a bid to resolve the Karnataka caste conundrum, Chief Minister Siddaramaiah has mandated yet another survey of backward classes, the fifth since 1975. But if competing interest groups can strong-arm a state government into rejecting survey data, can the exercise result in an objective identification of socially and economically backward groups?

The move brings into focus the increasing complexity of India’s quota system and the urgent need for rationalisation based on accurate data.

### The Karnataka Backward Classes Survey Controversy

In Karnataka, the 2015 Kantharaj Commission conducted an exhaustive survey that covered almost the entire population of the state. However, its report was kept in abeyance until 2024. The full data is not yet available, but politically influential communities such as the Lingayats and Vokkaligas have complained about massive undercounting of their respective populations.

Media reports citing earlier commissions — the 1986 Venkataswamy and 1990 O Chinnappa Reddy commissions — allege a sharp decline in the share of the Lingayat population, from 17% in 1986 to 11% in 2015. To avert a political firestorm, the state government has ordered a fresh survey.

Meanwhile, the opposition has highlighted the lack of transparency regarding the Kantharaj Commission’s findings. They also point out that a pan-India caste census is scheduled for the coming year, questioning the justification for spending Rs 420 crore of taxpayers’ money on a fresh survey.

### Challenges in Census Data and Quota Systems

Further complications may arise if the data from the pan-India caste census does not match that of the state backward class commission survey.

Similar challenges have occurred elsewhere. In Telangana, the state caste census evoked criticism over alleged unscientific methodology, data manipulation, and undercounting of backward classes and other communities. The debate also reignited discussions on whether non-Hindus should be included in the caste census, since caste stratification is not recognised by religions other than Hinduism.

Telangana has justified a quota for Muslims on the grounds of ‘backwardness’ rather than religion. This argument implicitly recognises the de facto existence of caste among Muslim communities, although social equality is a core tenet of Islam. It remains for the courts to make a final ruling on this matter.

### Political Pressures and Judicial Caps on Quotas

Caste census data is bound to be controversial as competing interest groups jostle to claim a larger share of the population, and therefore quotas. State governments must summon the political will to resist such pressures and act judiciously on the data.

The basic objective of the caste census is to promote social justice. This means not just identifying communities under-represented in education, employment, and political representation, but also formulating policies based on hard data.

Typically, this translates into allocating larger quotas for these communities in government institutions and representative bodies. However, increasing the quota for one community generally means reducing it for another, something no state government is prepared to do.

For example, after the 2022 Bihar caste census, the state government expanded quotas for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), and Economically Backward Classes (EBCs) to a combined 65% by amending existing reservation statutes. But in June 2024, the Patna High Court set aside these amendments on constitutional grounds, and the Supreme Court refused to intervene, leaving quotas capped at 50%.

Similarly, courts in other states have enforced the 50% cap on caste-based quotas. The Chhattisgarh High Court struck down an order increasing quotas to 58% in 2022. The Bombay High Court has invalidated quota expansions exceeding 50% and is hearing petitions against renewed attempts. The Rajasthan and Orissa High Courts have also rejected quota increases beyond the 50% ceiling.

### Moving Beyond Inflating the Reservation Pie

State governments should not view the caste census merely as a tool to inflate the size of the reservation pie. Instead, this valuable data has multiple applications.

Firstly, it can guide a fairer distribution of quotas within categories. States can implement quotas within quotas, even for Scheduled Castes.

For instance, the Rohini Commission highlighted how dominant OBC groups corner benefits to the detriment of others — revealing that a third of OBCs had received no benefits at all. This underscores the acute need for reservation reforms based on accurate census data.

However, slicing quotas more finely may provoke social unrest. This has intensified pressure on the judiciary to either lift the 50% cap on quotas or to extend reservations to the private sector. Both options carry potential downsides, including exacerbating the ‘brain drain’ as talent leaves India — a risky outcome as the nation seeks to leverage its human capital for development.

### Using Census Data to Enhance Welfare Measures

Another significant application of caste census data lies in formulating welfare measures. Accurate numbers enable better targeting of subsidies, community development programmes, and financial allocations to the most underprivileged groups.

Vote bank politics often leads to haphazard tinkering with quotas, resulting in chaotic outcomes. States should await the comprehensive caste census data and use it constructively to rationalise the quota system and target genuinely underprivileged communities more effectively.

—

**About the Author:**
Bhavdeep Kang is a senior journalist with 35 years of experience working with major newspapers and magazines. She is currently an independent writer and author.
https://www.freepressjournal.in/analysis/karnatakas-new-backward-class-survey-raises-questions-on-quotas-accuracy-and-social-justice