A week ago, I was writing the first draft for a research report on growing inequality in Asia and how it is linked to increasing state repression of civic freedoms. Amidst the largely desolate landscape of state crackdowns and draconian laws across the region, I went looking for islands of hope. One that came to mind quickly was Nepal.

The country had adopted a rather inclusive and radical constitution in 2015. Subsequent law reforms included giving civil society a formal role in developmental planning. The Local Government Operation Act, 2017, was a landmark law that required local governments to ensure inclusive and participatory planning. Ward committees, social audits, public hearings, and citizen scorecards were used regularly to engage the public and civil society organisations in municipal budgeting, project selection, and oversight.

Civil society groups also participated in performance audits with the Office of the Auditor General, directly monitoring public service delivery and corruption, and publicly reporting findings. Even Freedom House, which rated the country as partly free, noted with satisfaction the country’s real progress in media freedom, local protest rights, and inclusive development.

That optimism evaporated overnight as news broke of 19 protesters killed after young demonstrators—self-identifying as Gen Z—took to the streets against a sweeping social media ban. WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram—the virtual lifelines of a generation—were suddenly blocked.

Things unraveled quickly thereafter, leading to a virtual uprising across the country, mass-scale arson, and destruction of public institutions, including the Parliament, Supreme Court, five-star hotels, private residential quarters of the rich and famous, as well as politicians across party lines. Anarchy had been let loose.

Even as the army finally took charge of the streets, by the time things settled, more than 70 people were dead; senior politicians had been beaten publicly; and the government was gone.

Certain facts stand out. It took the killing of just 19 people to topple a government—the 14th to fall since 2008, when a long-reigning monarchy fell. The outgoing prime minister, KP Oli, was thrice sworn into power. As governments changed, there was a perception that the political parties were playing musical chairs.

Despite all the so-called progressive reforms mentioned earlier, the country was spiraling deeper into a debt crisis similar to Sri Lanka and Pakistan. The country that had had a social protection budget among the highest in the region (around 6 percent of GDP) was forced to cut welfare allocations to meet its debt crisis. Per capita income remained among the lowest in the region.

Nepal is one of the youngest countries in Asia. More than a fifth of the youth are unemployed. The young protestors didn’t trust the so-called independent media institutions and attacked those calling them corrupt.

The protestors were at pains to stress that their protest had more to do with rampant corruption and “nepo-kids” flaunting their ostentatious lifestyles. They said the social media ban symbolised not only censorship but also the denial of the last tool young people had to organise against nepotism, corruption, and ostentatious elite privilege.

So how do we look at the bigger picture in South Asia?

Nepal is the third country in the region to fall witness to a youth-led mass uprising. We have already seen live-streamed viral video takeovers of palatial residences of virtual monarchs like Rajapaksa and Sheikh Hasina. In all these cases, the uprising coincided with the decline of macro-economic indicators.

Sri Lanka, for the first time, defaulted on a sovereign debt payment and there were massive welfare cuts. The youth movement then organised itself around Aragalaya (Struggle) against economic collapse and government corruption. The protest site at Galle Face Square, called Gotta Go Gama, became a symbol of democratic resistance, uniting people across ethnic and religious divides.

The uprising in Bangladesh began over a disputed job quota. In 2023, 40 percent of the youth aged 15-29 were classified as NEET (not in employment, education, or training). It was estimated that about 18 million young people were out of work.

Now, look at two big countries in the region. Pakistan, long troubled by its debt burden, has suppressed mass political protests in recent years. Its principal opposition leader remains in jail. India, on the one hand, has seen Prime Minister Modi’s iron hand crushing political opposition and, on the other, has sought to channel the frustration of its young people into targeting minorities and espousing an aggressive Hindutva nationalism.

Across local contexts, common threads emerge: economic precarity, youth anger, distrust of political elites, and the sense that the system is irredeemably corrupt. Yet, the outcomes remain uncertain.

There are ongoing challenges, if Bangladesh’s and Sri Lanka’s examples are to go by. Under IMF pressure, the elected government in Sri Lanka has not altered its grim debt trajectory. The political situation is far from settled in Bangladesh where elections are yet to take place as an ageing Nobel Laureate is holding the fort. Nepal has followed Dhaka’s lead in turning to a retired Supreme Court judge to head its caretaker government.

The larger question is: how will the battered societies rebuild trust in their political class?

History is often rewritten in hindsight. Nepal’s abrupt turn from a model of participation to a theatre of upheaval is a sobering reminder of how quickly hope can collapse.

Needless to say, I had to go back to my first draft and re-write the entire section.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/1345075-nepals-gen-z